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The Man Who Killed Slavery, Sparked the Civil War, and Seeded Civil Rights

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Synopsis

An authoritative new examination of John Brown and his deep impact on American history.Bancroft Prize-winning cultural historian David S. Reynolds presents an informative and richly considered new exploration of the paradox of a man steeped in the Bible but more than willing to kill for his abolitionist cause. Reynolds locates Brown within the currents of nineteenth-century life and compares him to modern terrorists, civil-rights activists, and freedom fighters. Ultimately, he finds neither a wild-eyed fanatic nor a Christ-like martyr, but a passionate opponent of racism so dedicated to eradicating slavery that he realized only blood could scour it from the country he loved. By stiffening the backbone of Northerners and showing Southerners there were those who would fight for their cause, he hastened the coming of the Civil War. This is a vivid and startling story of a man and an age on the verge of calamity.

Excerpt

The Party

One of the most symbolic events of the Civil War occurred in a mansion. The event was the reception held on January 1, 1863, at the Medford, Massachusetts, estate of the businessman George L. Stearns to celebrate the Emancipation Proclamation, which had been issued that afternoon by President Lincoln.

Stearns called the affair "the John Brown Party." The highlight of the evening was the unveiling of a marble bust of John Brown, the antislavery martyr who had died on a scaffold three years earlier after his doomed, heroic effort to free the slaves by leading a twenty-two-man raid on Harpers Ferry, Virginia.

Brown's presence was felt elsewhere in America that day. The Union general Robert H. Milroy, stationed near Harpers Ferry, read Lincoln's proclamation aloud to his regiment, which spontaneously thundered forth the war song "John Brown's Body," with its heady chorus about Brown "mouldering in the grave" while "his soul keeps marching on." The Emancipation Proclamation made General Milroy feel as though John Brown's spirit had merged with his. "That hand-bill order," he said, "gave Freedom to the slaves through and around the region where Old John Brown was hung. I felt then that I was on duty, in the most righteous cause that man ever drew sword in."

In Boston, a tense wait had ended in midafternoon when the news came over the wires that the proclamation had been put into effect. At a Jubilee Concert in Music Hall, Ralph Waldo Emerson read his Abolitionist poem "Boston Hymn" and was followed by performances of Handel's Hallelujah Chorus, Beethoven's Fifth Symphony, and Mendelssohn's "Hymn of Praise." That evening at Tremont Temple a huge crowd cheered as the proclamation was read aloud and exploded into song when Frederick

Douglass led in singing "Blow Ye the Trumpet, Blow!" the joyous hymn that had been Brown's favorite and had been sung at his funeral.

A number of people missed the Boston celebration because they had gone to George Stearns's twenty-six-acre estate in nearby Medford for the John Brown Party. The party was, in its own way, as meaningful as Lincoln's proclamation. It celebrated the man who had sparked the war that led to this historic day. Lincoln's proclamation, freeing millions of enslaved blacks, sped the process that led eventually to civil rights. John Brown's personal war against slavery had set this process in motion.

Gathered in Stearns's elegant home was a motley group. Stearns himself, long-bearded and earnest, had made a fortune manufacturing lead pipes. His guests included the bald, spectacled William Lloyd Garrison and the volatile Wendell Phillips, pioneers of Abolitionism; the stately, reserved philosopher Ralph Waldo Emerson, magus of Transcendentalism; his idealistic cohort Amos Bronson Alcott, who was there with his daughter, Louisa May, soon to captivate young readers with Little Women; Franklin Sanborn, the Concord schoolteacher whose students included children of Emerson, John Brown, and Henry James, Sr.; and the red-haired, vivacious Julia Ward Howe, writer of "The Battle Hymn of the Republic." They represented cultural threads that had once been aimed in various directions but were now unified in their devotion to the memory of John Brown.

Garrison and Phillips had since the 1830s called for immediate emancipation of the slaves or, barring that, separation of the North and the South. Garrison, long committed to pacifism, had advocated moral argument as the sole means of fighting slavery until John Brown's self-sacrificing terrorism inspired him to espouse a more militant stance. Phillips, long driven by his disgust with slavery to curse the Constitution and the American Union, had come to espouse Brown's vision of a unified nation based on rights for people of all ethnicities.

Emerson had begun his career alienated from the antislavery cause but had taken it up with growing zeal that culminated in his famous statement that John Brown would "make the gallows as glorious as the cross." Along with Thoreau, who had died the previous year, he had been chiefly responsible for rescuing Brown from infamy and oblivion. Alcott, too, had played a part in the resuscitation of Brown, whom he called "the type and synonym of the Just." If, as Alfred Kazin suggests, without John Brown there would have been no Civil War, we would add that without the Concord Transcendentalists, John Brown would have had little cultural impact.

And without Julia Ward Howe, John Brown may not have become fused with American myth. The wife of Samuel Gridley Howe, one of those who had financed Brown, she wrote "The Battle Hymn of the Republic" to the tune of "John Brown's Body," retaining its "Glory, glory hallelujah" and changing "His soul goes marching on" to "His truth is marching on." With her memorable images of a just God "trampling out the vintage where the grapes of wrath are stored," and loosening "the fateful lightnings of His terrible swift sword" against the slaveholding South, she caught the essence of John Brown, a devout Calvinist who considered himself predestined to stamp out slavery. She had coupled his God-inspired antislavery passion with the North's mission and had thus helped define America.

Another of Stearns's guests, Frank Sanborn, helped define John Brown. In 1857 he had introduced Brown to several reformers who, along with him, would make up the group of Brown's backers known as the Secret Six. A zealous Brown booster, he would perpetuate the legend of the heroic Brown in his writings of the post-Civil War period.

As for George Stearns, besides having been the chief contributor of funds and arms to Brown, he was largely responsible for pushing Brown's ideal of racial justice toward civil rights. He once declared, "I consider it the proudest act of my life that I gave good old John Brown every pike and rifle he carried to Harper's Ferry." Just as Brown had assigned prominent positions to blacks in his antislavery activities, so Stearns led the recruitment of blacks for the Union army. After the war, Stearns would fight for passage of the Fifteenth Amendment, which gave suffrage to blacks.

That these and assorted other reformers, writers, and society people would gather on Emancipation Day to honor John Brown was more than fitting. From their perspective, it was inevitable. Everyone present believed that without John Brown this day would not have come, at least not as soon as it did.

Several at the party had doubts about President Lincoln. Despite his deep hatred of slavery, Lincoln had acted with politic moderation early in his presidency. Hoping to preserve the Union by conciliating the South, he had supported the Fugitive Slave Act of 1850 (anathema even to some of the most conservative Northerners), had endorsed a constitutional amendment preserving slavery where it already existed, had revoked an emancipation proclamation in Missouri, and had advocated colonization for blacks, who, he said, could never live on equal terms with whites in America due to racial differences. In response, Wendell Phillips had written a bitter article, "Abraham Lincoln, Slave-hound of Illinois." Garrison was so angry that he wrote of Lincoln, "He has evidently not a drop of anti-slavery blood in his veins; and he seems incapable of uttering a humane or generous sentiment respecting the enslaved millions in our land."

As strange as such statements appear today, they were not so to those who had known John Brown and had absorbed his progressive racial views. There was good reason Stearns had organized a John Brown Party instead of an Abraham Lincoln Party.

Although Stearns and his guests were overjoyed by the president's proclamation, they saw Lincoln as a latecomer to emancipation, a goal for which John Brown had given his life. In 1861, two years before Lincoln's proclamation, Stearns, Sanborn, Phillips, and other followers of Brown had formed an Emancipation League, whose aim was to win over Lincoln to the idea that freeing the slaves must be the primary mission of the Union war effort. The league issued a public document demanding emancipation "as a measure of justice, and as a military necessity." As a first step, Stearns wrote in a letter to Lincoln, black troops were needed to ensure a Union victory. Lincoln accepted the strategy after Stearns had devoted most of 1862 traveling thousands of miles throughout the North and organizing ten black regiments, including the famous 54th Massachusetts, led by Colonel Robert Gould Shaw.

The use of black soldiers was just one of Brown's forward-looking measures that impelled George Stearns to single out John Brown for tribute that evening.

Although the white marble bust of Brown, which Stearns and his wife had commissioned Edwin A. Brackett to sculpt in 1859 while the imprisoned Brown awaited execution, had long been a fixture in the Stearns mansion, unveiling it anew on Emancipation Day gave it fresh significance. The bust, which many compared to Michelangelo's Moses, was an idealized rendering. It invested the stern, hatchet-faced Brown with a calm Jovian dignity. It gleamed against the black walnut wainscoting on the landing of the Stearns's curved staircase as the hushed crowd below heard Emerson read his "Boston Hymn" and Julia Ward Howe give a powerful recitation her "Battle Hymn of the Republic."

The journalist James Redpath would later see the bust in the Boston Athenaeum amid Roman statuary and would comment that it might well be Moses but certainly was not John Brown. True: but, then, who was John Brown?

Perhaps the most significant meaning of the John Brown Party was that everyone present was joined by an idealistic vision of a man who, in other circles, was branded as a murderer, a thief, and an insane fanatic. The pristine purity of Brackett's bust was as distant from John Brown's real looks as the starry-eyed hero worship of Stearns's guests was from a true appraisal of his achievements.

The fact is that during his life and after it Brown gave rise to significant misreadings that shaped the course of American history. Brown himself had misread the slaves and sympathetic whites among the locals, whom he expected to rally in masses to his side as soon as his raid on Harpers Ferry began. The blacks he liberated misread him, since, by most reports, few of them voluntarily joined him in the battle against the Virginia troops-a fact that may have contributed to the fatal delay on the part of Brown, who had expected "the bees to hive" as soon as his liberation plan became known among the slaves.

Most important, Brown himself became the subject of crucial misreadings. Although after the raid he was at first denounced by most Northerners, a few influential individuals, especially the Transcendentalists, salvaged his reputation by placing him on the level of Christ-a notable misreading of a man who, despite his remarkable virtues, had violent excesses, as evidenced by the nighttime slaughter of five proslavery residents he had directed in Pottawatomie, Kansas. The Transcendentalist image of Brown spread throughout the North and was fanned by books, melodramas, poems, and music-culminating in "John Brown's Body," the inspiring song chanted by tens of thousands of Union troops as they marched south.

At the same time that this misreading swept the North, an opposite one was pervading the South. The South's initial grudging admiration for Brown's courage was quickly overwhelmed by a paranoid fear that he was a malicious aggressor who represented the entire North-a tremendous and tragic misreading, since virtually everyone in the Northern-led Republican Party, from Lincoln to Seward, actually disapproved of his violent tactics. The South's misreading was fanned by Democratic Party propaganda that unjustifiably smeared the Republicans with responsibility for Harpers Ferry. In this view, "Black Republicanism" meant not only "nigger-worship" but also deep alliance with John Brown, whom the Democrats characterized as a villain of the blackest dye.

These dual misreadings, positive and negative, were perpetuated in biographies of Brown. The early biographers were mainly people who had known Brown personally and who idolized him-they therefore twisted facts to make him seem heroic, at times godlike. In reaction, there arose a school of biographers intent upon exploding this saintly image. They swung to the other extreme of portraying him as little more than a cold-blooded murderer, horse thief, inflexible egotist, fanatical visionary, and shady businessman.

These extremes of hagiography and vilification were in time answered by scholarly objectivity. Several biographers-most notably Oswald Garrison Villard and Stephen B. Oates-present information about Brown's life factually, unfiltered by partisan bias. Villard and Oates pitilessly expose Brown's savagery at Pottawatomie and question the wisdom of his provisional constitution and his attack on Harpers Ferry, even as they praise his humanitarian aims.

Still, there is a danger to an overstrict insistence on impartiality. One reviewer's comment on Villard-i.e., that he "holds a position of impartiality, and almost of aloofness"-speaks for the best modern biographies. For example, biographers have waffled on the issue of Brown's sanity, leaving it as an unsolved problem. One can be objective without remaining impartial about the crucial moral, political, and human issues that Brown's life poses.

My stand on some key issues is: (a) Brown was not insane; instead, he was a deeply religious, flawed, yet ultimately noble reformer; (b) the Pottawatomie affair was indeed a crime, but it was a war crime committed against proslavery settlers by a man who saw slavery itself as an unprovoked war of one race against another; and (c) neither Brown's provisional constitution nor the Harpers Ferry raid were wild-eyed, erratic schemes doomed to failure: instead, they reflect Brown's overconfidence in whites' ability to rise above racism and in blacks' willingness to rise up in armed insurrection against their masters.

The current book develops these and other arguments by placing Brown fully in historical context. This is emphatically a cultural biography, a term that demands explanation. Cultural biography is based on the idea that human beings have a dynamic, dialogic relationship to many aspects of their historical surroundings, such as politics, society, literature, and religion.

The special province of the cultural biographer is to explore this relationship, focusing on three questions: How does my subject reflect his or her era? How does my subject transcend the era-that is, what makes him or her unique? What impact did my subject have on the era?

Cultural biography takes an Emersonian approach to the human subject. As Emerson writes, "the ideas of the time are in the air, and infect all who breathe it. . . . We learn of our contemporaries what they know without effort, and almost through the pores of our skin." The cultural biographer explores the historical "air" surrounding the subject and describes the process by which the air seeped through the pores of his or her skin. "Great geniuses are parts of the times," Melville wrote; "they themselves are the times, and possess a correspondent coloring." Once the biographer accepts the cultural environment as a viable area of study, new vistas of information and insight open up. John Brown emerges in cultural biography not as an isolated, insane antislavery terrorist but as an amalgam of social currents-religious, reformist, racial, and political-that found explosive realization in him.


From the Hardcover edition.

Table of Contents

Preface

1. The Party
2. The Puritan
3. The Pioneer
4. The Patriarch
5. The Pauper
6. The Plan
7. Pottawatomie
8. Pariah and Legend
9. The Promoter
10. Plotting Multiculturally
11. Practice
12. Preparation
13. Problems
14. Pilloried, Prosecuted, and Praised
15. The Passion
16. Positions and Politics
17. The Prophet
18. Posterity

Notes
Acknowledgments
Index
David S. Reynolds|Author Q&A|Author Desktop

About David S. Reynolds

David S. Reynolds - John Brown, Abolitionist

Photo © Aline Pansoy

David S. Reynolds is Distinguished Professor of English and American Studies at the Graduate Center and Baruch College of the City University of New York. He is the author of Walt Whitman’s America: A Cultural Biography, winner of the Bancroft Prize and the Ambassador Book Award and finalist for the National Book Critics Circle Award. His other books include Beneath the American Renaissance: The Subversive Imagination in the Age of Emerson and Melville (winner of the Christian Gauss Award and Honorable Mention for the John Hope Franklin Prize), Whitman: A Very Short Introduction, George Lippard, and Faith in Fiction: The Emergence of Religious Literature in America. He is the editor of A Historical Guide to Walt Whitman, George Lippard, Prophet of Protest: Writings of an American Radical, 1822-1854, and Lippard’s The Quaker City; or, The Monks of Monk Hall by George Lippard. He is the coeditor of The Serpent in the Cup: Temperance in American Literature and George Thompson’s “Venus in Boston” and Other Tales of Nineteenth-Century City Life.

David Reynolds was born and raised in Barrington, Rhode Island. He earned the B.A. at Amherst College and the Ph.D. at the University of California, Berkeley. He is married to the author and professor Suzanne Nalbantian. They live in Old Westbury and Sagaponack, New York. They have a daughter, Aline Reynolds, who attends Barnard College.

Author Q&A

A Conversation with David S. Reynolds

Q: How did you come to John Brown as a subject?
A: I’ve always been interested in American rebels, dissidents–those who advance the cause of justice and equality by exposing hypocrisy and corruption. Having published a book on the rebellious poet Walt Whitman in 1995, I was looking for a new book topic when, during a chat with my brother-in-law, Haig Nalbantian, John Brown’s name came up. Instantly I knew I had my subject. Here was the ultimate dissident, the militant Abolitionist who murdered in the name of human equality. Whereas Whitman fashioned all-embracing poetry to heal a nation fractured over the slavery issue, John Brown deepened the fracture by attacking slavery in an attempt to dislodge it. John Brown has long pricked the American mind like a buried nettle, always there, always irritating, and exasperatingly hidden from view. I found that no biography of Brown had appeared since the early 1970s, and never had this controversial figure been placed fully in his times. I was also curious about the fact that so many 19th-century authors–Emerson, Thoreau, Melville, Whitman, Whittier, Victor Hugo, and others–featured Brown in their writings. And so I decided to write a cultural biography of Brown, one that explained the contexts that shaped him and the impact he had on America.

Q: You have said that Brown was “the least racist white person” of his time?  What was so unusual about his attitude towards blacks–especially as compared to other prominent abolitionists of his day?
A: John Brown did not accept the racism that pervaded his era. Ironically, most other antislavery figures of his day were tinged with racism, which was buttressed by pseudoscientific “proof” of the alleged inferiority of blacks. Lincoln thought that blacks and whites could not live on equal terms in America because of essential differences between the races; until the second year of the Civil War, he advocated colonization, or shipping emancipated blacks abroad to places like Liberia or Central America. A similar view was held by Harriet Beecher Stowe, whose best-seller Uncle Tom’s Cabin dramatized the horrors of slavery and yet advocated colonization and perpetuated some of the era’s racial stereotypes. Another antislavery figure, the scientist Louis Agassiz, claimed that a typical black person had the brain of an undeveloped white fetus, while the antislavery politician Cassius Clay declared that the natural place for blacks was in the tropical sun eating bananas. True, there were a few--particularly William Lloyd Garrison and Wendell Phillips--who manifested little racism. But to mention Garrison and Phillips is to recognize John Brown’s specialness in this regard. The son of an alcoholic drifter, Garrison was a latecomer to Abolition, and he aroused resentment among some blacks who felt they were discriminated against in the American Anti-Slavery Society, which he headed. As for Phillips, he was a wealthy, Harvard-educated Brahmin who would fraternize with blacks but then retreat to his Boston mansion. For John Brown, in contrast, Abolitionism was not something learned or arrived at; rather, it was in his blood, as was his openness to people of different ethnicities. His father, Owen Brown, had opposed slavery since the 1780s, and Brown recalled becoming a confirmed Abolitionist as a boy when he witnessed a black youth being beaten with a shovel. At an early age Brown became active in the Underground Railroad. Brown’s family stood out for its openness to the cultures of Native Americans and African Americans. Enduring near-poverty for much of his life, Brown had a sympathy for the marginalized and oppressed that grew from first-hand experience.

Q: You write, “few successful people in history have failed so miserably in so many different pursuits as John Brown.”  Clearly a genius in his own right, why did Brown fail so miserably and so often when it came to business?
A: John Brown lived in an era when America was leaving behind the subsistence economy of the past and was moving toward industrialism and capitalism. Raised in the Ohio wilderness, Brown was devoted to the bygone subsistence economy, by which people lived off the land and produced their own goods. But he had to earn money to support his growing family (he sired twenty children by two wives). He tried mightily–and unsuccessfully–to succeed as a capitalist. He had neither the will nor the flexibility to succeed as a businessman. He was also the victim of circumstance, for the year he entered business full time, 1837, marked the beginning of an economic downturn that lasted five years. He fumbled several land-development ventures and then plunged into a variety of wool-distribution enterprises that he managed recklessly. Falling deep into debt, he was sued by numerous creditors and once declared bankruptcy. No one saw him as willfully corrupt, but his honesty and bullheadedness hindered him in a capitalist world that demanded tact, ingenuity, and, often, slickness. After failing in several businesses, he retreated to a subsistence lifestyle when in 1849 he took his family to live on an isolated farm in the upstate New York village of North Elba.

Q: In the end, why do you think Brown failed at Harper’s Ferry?  Did he overestimate his own military skill or the willingness of slaves to follow him?  Was his great plan doomed from the start?
A: Many have questioned the wisdom of Brown’s attempt to uproot the slave system by attacking the South with only 21 men. Recent events, however, suggest that his plan was more feasible than was long thought. His plan was to make a quick strike in a slave state, rally hundreds of emancipated blacks to his side, and then flee with them to the Appalachian Mountains, which run deep into the South. He aimed to scatter small groups (somewhat like today’s terrorist cells) of blacks and whites along the Appalachian chain, using the mountainous terrain as a defense against pursuing forces. These groups would make periodic raids on plantations throughout the South, liberating slaves and creating an atmosphere of terror that eventually would induce the South to want to do away with slavery. A student of guerrilla warfare, Brown thought he could evade vastly superior forces by using caves and other natural defenses in the mountains. The success of such a strategy by the Afghan guerrillas against the Soviet army and by Osama Bin Laden against the U. S. military suggests that this was no crack-brained scheme. Brown miscalculated, however, by expecting an immediate, massive response on the part of liberated blacks. He anticipated, as he put it, that “the bees would hive” as soon as he struck Harpers Ferry. But the evidence suggests that the slaves’ response was lukewarm at best. This should not surprise us. No one remotely like John Brown–a white man who arrived at night with a force of blacks and whites promising immediate liberation–had ever appeared before. Most of the slaves responded with confusion or fear. Brown, disappointed by the lackluster response of the unprepared blacks, stalled fatally at Harpers Ferry instead of quickly escaping to the mountains as he had planned. This delay is what doomed his effort, since it gave time to the Virginia militia and the U.S. marines under Robert E. Lee to organize and capture Brown and his men.

Q: Brown was such a forceful prominent figure in his day.  His impact on historical events immense.  Why do you think he is not more of household name today?
A: In light of the fact that Brown sparked the war that ended slavery and opened the way to civil rights, one would think that he would be a ubiquitous presence in American culture. But his face does not appear on our bills or coins. Statues, pictures, or other images of him are rare. The main reason for this is that Brown’s reputation, after peaking during the Civil War and Reconstruction, collapsed thereafter. In the period of Jim Crow and the Ku Klux Klan, America manifested little reverence for this Puritan warrior who had killed and died in the cause of black freedom. Biographers and historians whose conservative views reflected the post-Reconstruction temper cared little for Brown’s progressive racial agenda and stressed instead his violent, fanatical side. A string of biographers portrayed him as a lunatic, horse thief, and murderer. The revisionist historians of the 1930s and 40s pictured him as an extreme example of misled disunionists who brought about an unnecessary war. The civil rights movement and sixties’ radicalism brought about a partial recuperation of Brown’s reputation in some quarters, but he remains today a fringe figure whom it is more comfortable to forget than to revere.

Q: The incredible violence of Brown’s most infamous actions has led many historians to excuse him as insane.  How do you explain his violence and murderous behavior at a time when many who shared his view of slavery did not resort to such means?
A: In his day and ours Brown was often called insane. During Brown’s trial for treason, his lawyer wanted to use an insanity defense to get him off. Brown rejected the ploy, insisting he was not insane. I agree with him. He was a flawed but deeply devout man driven by a worthy cause: the liberation of nearly 4 million blacks held in bondage. Brown resorted to violence because the main tactics of other Abolitionists, nonresistance and persuasion, had failed. For Brown slavery itself was an ongoing war against enslaved blacks. From this standpoint, his violent acts–particularly his midnight slaughter of five proslavery settlers in Pottawatomie, Kansas in May 1856–may be viewed as war crimes. Brown was retaliating against decades of unavenged violence committed by Southern whites against slaves, free blacks, and visiting Northerners suspected of Abolitionism. Recent studies have shown that over four-fifths of acts of vigilante violence by Southern whites went unpunished. The code of the chivalric Southern gentleman was laced with machismo and aggression. Dueling, bowie knives, and deadly feuds like the one parodied in Mark Twain’s portrait of the Shepherdsons and Grangerfords Huckleberry Finn were fixtures in Southern culture. It was in response to several such acts of wanton proslavery violence–the burning of Lawrence, Kansas; several murders committed by Missouri Border Ruffians; and the pummeling of Charles Sumner by Preston Brooks on the floor of the U.S. Senate–that John Brown committed his retaliatory crime at Pottawatomie. As a contemporary journalist noted, John Brown brought violent Southern tactics to the Northern side.

Q: How would you apply the word “terrorist” to Brown as opposed to how we use it today?
A: Brown was in some ways like today’s terrorists and in other ways unlike them. The notion that one person’s terrorist is another person’s freedom fighter applies to Brown as it does today. A number of modern terrorists, including the abortion-doctor killer Paul Hill and the Oklahoma City bomber Timothy McVeigh, have called themselves heirs of John Brown. Also, Brown has been compared to Ted Kaczynski (the Unabomber) and to Osama Bin Laden. Brown resembled these and other terrorists in that he killed unarmed civilians to make a political point. Brown’s stated goal for the Harpers Ferry raid was to create a state of terror throughout the South in order to bring about social change. But I would argue that Brown, unlike the others, was what Doris Lessing would call a “good terrorist”–one who used violence to rectify particularly egregious social injustice. There were many things wrong with John Brown’s America: not just slavery but also poverty, political corruption, the disenfranchisement of women, cruelty toward Native Americans, to name a few. Brown was aware of all these social wrongs, but he took up arms only against one: slavery, the most self-evidently evil social institution in American history, one that in Brown’s day seemed cemented in place by law and custom. Also, Brown was an American terrorist to a degree the others were not, with real breadth of vision. A devout Calvinist--as dedicated to his faith as Bin Laden is to Islam--he nonetheless counted Jews, agnostics, and spiritualists among his most faithful followers. He wanted to create an America free of religious rancor, racial prejudice, and gender discrimination.

Q: In writing this book what were some of the most surprising things you learned about John Brown?
A: I was surprised by the early age at which Brown became an Abolitionist, by his utter lack of racism in an era when racial prejudice was rampant, by his verbal eloquence, and, most basically, by the large impact Brown had on American history. The final two points–Brown’s eloquence and his impact–are interrelated. Before I wrote this book, I assumed that Brown was merely a man of violence, a kind of trigger-happy messiah. I was surprised to find that he used language forcefully and that, indeed, it was mainly through his words and his demeanor that he influenced history. Thoreau noted that words, not rifles, were Brown’s most effective weapons. Had Brown been killed during the raid on Harpers Ferry (as he almost was), his attack would have been recognized for what it was: an isolated act of violence by an anomalous militant who had few supporters in the North. Because he lived, he was able to speak and write, and his words were universally disseminated in the press. Emerson declared that Brown’s speech to the Virginia court was comparable to the Gettysburg Address. Thoreau insisted that Brown’s letters from Charles Town prison, powerful despite their shoddy grammar, defined standard English. James Russell Lowell and others claimed that Brown’s brief autobiography was a contribution to literature. Unlike many modern terrorists, who tend to be faceless tools of a cause, John Brown was an original interpreter of one.

Q: How would history have been different if there had been no John Brown?  Did he really bring about the civil war and the end of slavery sooner than they would have ended?
A: John Brown did not cause the Civil War. But more than any other single person he sparked the war. It’s possible that if he had not been in the picture, the Civil War would have been delayed. Still, I believe that a collision between the North and the South on the slavery issue was inevitable, and had it been delayed it would have been even bloodier than it was, because of an increase in population and more sophisticated weapons technology. And who can say what would have happened had such a later war been won by the South? In that case, slavery would have continued, the nation would have remained divided, and America would not have become a superpower as soon as it did. As it happened, John Brown helped to trigger the Civil War–not so much by what he did as by how he acted and expressed himself after his capture, and how he was perceived by others. Southern leaders used Brown’s raid as a means of whipping up secessionist frenzy and tarring Lincoln and his fellow Republicans (wrongly) with responsibility for Harpers Ferry. The North rejected Brown vigorously until a small but influential group, the Transcendentalists, rescued Brown from oblivion and infamy by comparing him to Jesus Christ and other worthies. Soon the Transcendentalist view of Brown swept the North. Brown became a polarizing figure, the subject of hyperbolic misreadings on both sides of the slavery divide. He crystallized vast differences between hostile attitudes toward slavery and thus drove a wedge between the North and the South, greatly exacerbating the tensions between them.

Q: You write that Brown, in North Elba, “established a model for racial togetherness that even today is rarely achieved in America.”  Why do you think, so many years after his time, we have failed to achieve some of his ideals of equality?
A: Brown claimed that he followed the spirit of the Golden Rule and the Declaration of Independence. He was the first white American to apply fully the notions of equality and brotherhood to the issue of race. He lived among blacks, worked with them, sought their advice, and admitted them to his home and his dinner table. His military plans stemmed largely from black culture, particularly slave revolts in the American South and the rebellions by the mountain-based maroons of the West Indies. Outraged by proslavery government acts such as the Kansas Nebraska Act, which opened up the western territories to slavery, and the Dred Scott decision, which denied citizenship to blacks, he penned new versions of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence. In these visionary documents, he extended full social rights to all Americans, irrespective of ethnicity or gender. No white person in American history is so widely revered by blacks as is John Brown. Thanks to Brown and other forward-looking activists, we are far closer today to achieving racial togetherness than was true in Brown’s day. Still, few would deny that we still have a way to go before Brown’s goals of complete racial integration and full rights for all are realized.

Q: Do you think a re-examination, and really a re-discovery of Brown’s life is especially relevant at this particular moment in history?
A: Today we demonize terrorism, which, our leaders say, is opposed to everything America stands for. Re-examining John Brown, the home-grown terrorist and eloquent dissident, forces us to contemplate the idea that principled resistance to social injustice can be a patriotic, intensely American act. What would have happened had John Brown and a few other forceful rebels not interfered with the racist juggernaut that America had become? Even the Civil War, which ended slavery at the cost of some 620,000 American lives, did not produce the racially harmonious nation Brown had dreamed of. Civil rights and social justice are still works in progress. Americans all too often find refuge in patriotic bromides and complacent materialism. Rediscovering John Brown suggests the importance of questioning ourselves as a nation, of noting the distance between our democratic ideals and our not-so-democratic practices.


From the Hardcover edition.

Author Q&A

Surprising Facts About John Brown

In this age of terrorism, there are few historical figures as intriguing as John Brown, the controversial Abolitionist who used terrorist tactics against slavery and single-handedly changed the course of American history. When does principled resistance become anarchic brutality? How can a murderer be viewed as a heroic freedom fighter? How can conservative Christianity drive the most progressive social agenda? The case of John Brown opens windows on these timely issues. Was Brown an insane criminal or a Christ-like martyr? A forerunner of Osama Bin Laden or of Martin Luther King? David Reynolds sorts through the tangled evidence and makes some surprising findings:

1. A devout Calvinist who believed God had predestined him to wipe out slavery, John Brown was in fact the product of his times. His distinctive brand of antislavery Christianity stemmed from the radical Puritanism that took on a social conscience when it blended with the republicanism of the Revolutionary era. His choice of violence and guerilla tactics was shaped by his observations of slave revolts at home and abroad. His capacity to wage brutal war in the name of God grew from his admiration for Oliver Cromwell, the Puritan leader of the English civil wars whose once-dubious reputation had improved notably during Brown’s lifetime.

2. John Brown was not insane. He was a flawed yet ultimately noble reformer. His fixation on slavery was often labeled “monomania” in his time and “paranoia” by historians like Allan Nevins, who claimed Brown should have been committed to “an asylum for the criminally insane.” Having read the total range of writings by and about Brown, Reynolds provides conclusive evidence of Brown’s sanity.

3. John Brown was the most forward-looking white reformer of his era on the issue of race. He manifested no racial prejudice. Here he differed from other antislavery figures, including Lincoln, William Lloyd Garrison, and Harriet Beecher Stowe. John Brown lived among blacks, worked with them, and envisaged an integrated America in which people of all races and both sexes had full rights. No white person in American history has been so widely revered by blacks as was John Brown, whose chain of influence reaches to the modern-day civil rights movement.

4. Had it not been for the Transcendentalists, John Brown may have been forgotten by history, discarded as a forgettable crank or a heinous criminal–an early sketch, say, of the Unabomber. Emerson, Thoreau, and their circle praised him at a time when the rest of the nation damned him. Often viewed as politically complacent, the Transcendentalists were in fact major players in the cultural forces that led the nation to war. Thoreau began the resurrection of Brown’s image by insisting that Brown was a peerless hero devoted to high ideals. Emerson proclaimed that Brown made “the gallows as glorious as the cross,” an image that sped through American culture like a ricocheting bullet, inspiring the North and outraging the South. Suddenly John Brown was a polarizing figure who inflamed deeply felt, hostile passions.

5. Although Brown took military action because he hated what he called “Talk! talk! talk!,” it was through his words that he gained his greatest influence. In the weeks between his capture at Harpers Ferry and his execution, the imprisoned Brown spoke to the world through letters and interviews that were widely reprinted. Thoreau pointed out that Brown’s words were far more effective than his rifles. Brown’s speech before the Virginia court, in which he expressed his antislavery vision, was so powerful that Emerson later ranked it with the Gettysburg Address. Brown’s eloquence was one of the chief things that distinguish him from today’s terrorists, many of whom are faceless tools of a cause, not original interpreters of one.

6. Without John Brown in the picture, the Civil War may not have happened when it did. Had it come later, it could only have been worse than it was, and its outcome might have been different, with tragic consequences for American blacks. Sparking the war that ended slavery, John Brown did his nation a service by speeding the inevitable. Brown’s spirit hovered over the war. One proslavery writer typically denounced Lincoln for waging “a stupendous John Brown raid” on the South. Lincoln, for his part, was at first reluctant to engage in a war that he said would be “equivalent to a John Brown raid, on a gigantic scale.’” But Lincoln increasingly embraced John Brown’s approach to ending slavery through all-out violence. His Second Inaugural Address, in which he declared that a stern God might make the war last “until every drop of blood drawn with the lash, shall be paid by another drawn with the sword,” coupled antislavery passion with Calvinistic images in a manner reminiscent of Brown.

7.No other American–not even Washington or Lincoln–resonated on so many levels of American culture as did John Brown. Melville, Whitman, and Whittier featured him in poetry. Victor Hugo revered Brown, whose influence is felt in Les Misérables. A host of popular writers made John Brown the topic of plays, poems, and songs. One song, “John Brown’s Body,” was thundered forth by the Union armies as they marched to battle. The song went through endless permutations and became fused with national myth when Julia Ward Howe used it as the basis for “The Battle Hymn of the Republic.”


From the Hardcover edition.

Praise

Praise

“Almost every page forces you to think hard, and in new ways, about American violence, American history, and what used to be called the American character.” –The New Yorker“A rich, nuanced and exhaustively researched ‘life and times’ that positions the abolitionist firmly in the context of 19th-century American culture. . . . Impeccably written.” –San Francisco Chronicle“Splendidly written. . . . Reynolds is that rarest of authors who knows how to write well and who successfully presents a life-size image of Brown, warts and all.” –Denver Post
“The most complete word on Brown as man and myth. . . . Nobody knows more about American society and culture in the first two-thirds of the 19th century than Reynolds. . . . Vivid and convincing. . . . The best volume we now have on that incendiary figure.”–The Providence Journal“Absorbing.”–New York Times Book Review“ This well-researched book . . . peels away some of the extreme interpretations of Brown and offers a generally balanced and objective assessment of why he should matter.”–St. Louis Post-Dispatch“Great sensitivity, thorough research, and some marvelous narrative.”–Washington Post Book World“A rich, nuanced and exhaustively researched ‘life and times’ that positions the abolitionist firmly in the context of 19th century American culture . . . impeccably written.”–San Francisco Chronicle“A masterful exploration of a fascinating, flawed character and his cultural impact.”–Atlanta Journal-Constitution“Absorbing, well written and beautifully documented.”–The Nation

  • John Brown, Abolitionist by David S. Reynolds
  • November 14, 2006
  • History - United States
  • Vintage
  • $18.00
  • 9780375726156

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